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In-Depth Reports
The Future of Iraq:
U.S. Policy
Note: Mr. Khalilzad's remarks represent his own views and not necessarily those of the U.S. government. I want to give you the Bush administration's perspective on where we are and what our vision is for Iraq. We believe that Saddam Husayn's regime is determined to retain, expand, and once again
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Iraq, Palestine, Then What?
Can America Promote a Liberal, Democratic Middle East?
*Mr. Khoury's remarks represent his own views and not those of the U.S. government. Robert Satloff, The Washington Institute: The basic premise of this panel is that the United States is currently promoting coercive democratization in Iraq and in the West Bank and Gaza. U.S. policy is coercive in the
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Arab Predicament, Circa 2002:
How Can Arabs Fix the Problems of the Arab World? (Part IV)
Ladies and gentlemen, I am now going to read a legally recorded telephone call: "Hello! Hello! Rescue me! My house has caught fire! Help!" "Define your terms exactly. Has your house caught fire or has it burst into flames?" "Both! It has caught fire and it has burst into flames!"
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Confrontation with Saddam's Iraq:
A Military Assessment
A little more than a year ago, the most vile terror attack in the history of mankind took place in the United States, devastating the principal symbols of American military and economic power, indeed the very symbols of freedom and capitalism in the eyes of the world. September 11 --
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Implications of a 'Security Fence' for Israel and the Palestinians
*Mr. Eran's remarks represent his own views and not necessarily those of the Israeli government. Dennis Ross, The Washington Institute: Many Israelis and Palestinians have a shared sense of urgency regarding the need to find a resolution to their ongoing conflict, even acknowledging the need to do so jointly. They
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Arab Predicament, Circa 2002:
How Can Arabs Fix the Problems of the Arab World? (Part III)
I want to start by praising someone who is not here, who would have been a good contributor to this discussion, my good friend Saad Eddin Ibrahim. (Applause.) He is a scholar, an activist, someone who is willing to pay the price of his convictions, even though that price is
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Fateful Choices for Israelis and Palestinians (Part II)
I come from a country that has been engaged in war for the past two years. I am here to present an Israeli perspective on this confrontation -- a confrontation that will shape the nature of Israel, the Palestinian entity, and both societies in the coming years. How have we
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Waging the War on Terrorism:
Looking Back, Looking Forward
* Secretary Roche's remarks represent his own views and not necessarily those of the U.S. government. I have a new job. This one has 700,000 employees and a budget of $80 billion. That's the good news. The bad news is that we are paying for health care, not for equipment
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Regional Implications of Pursuing 'Regime Change' in Iraq (Part IV)
Unfortunately, there is no Iraqi on this panel. I wish there were. But because Kuwait is closest, in many ways, to Iraq, we Kuwaitis probably share some of the Iraqi vision of the future of Iraq. The atmosphere in Kuwait is one of anxiety and nervousness, with a strong sense
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Arab Predicament, Circa 2002:
How Can Arabs Fix the Problems of the Arab World? (Part II)
I recently read the United Nations (UN) Arab Human Development Report from one end to the other. It was the most miserable thing I have read in a long time. The report reveals the presence of a number of deficits in the Arab world. One of them is a freedom
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Fateful Choices for Israelis and Palestinians (Part I)
The last two years of violence deserve a lot of analysis. In looking at the underlying strategic components of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, I have come to the conclusion that certain matters must be discussed openly and clearly between the two sides. If there is disagreement, it is
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Bush, Sharon, and Arafat:
The Pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian Peace (Part IV)
Martin Indyk proposes an ambitious, groundbreaking path. The other path described by David Makovsky and David Satterfield is a less ambitious one, based on an assumption that it is the only realistic option. I would differentiate between the "process" approach that you heard from the two Davids and what I
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
◆
Dennis Ross
In-Depth Reports
The Regional Implications of Pursuing 'Regime Change' in Iraq (Part III)
I would like to preface my remarks with some thoughts about the fine speech that Zalmay Khalilzad made earlier in these proceedings. As good a speech as it was, it made our job on this panel more difficult. I am more confused now about what kind of Iraq the United
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Arab Predicament, Circa 2002:
How Can Arabs Fix the Problems of the Arab World? (Part I)
Most Arabs believe that the world is busy twenty-four hours a day plotting against them. There is no reason for it. The Arab mind must learn to differentiate between competition, struggle, and conspiracy. Life is full of struggle and competition, but the world certainly is not busy with conspiracy against
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Bush Administration Middle East Policy:
A Mid-Term Assessment
Keynote addresses by Zalmay Khalilzad and James Roche. With Sari Nusseibeh, Uzi Dayan, Shaul Mofaz, Martin Indyk, David Satterfield, Abdel Ilah Khatib, Ali Salem, David Ignatius, Nabeel Khoury, Paul Pillar, Ely Karmon, Amatzia Baram, Tarek Heggy, Ibrahim Karawan, Rend Rahim Francke, Bernard Lewis, and others.
۳ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Bush, Sharon, and Arafat:
The Pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian Peace (Part III)
Note: Mr. Satterfield's remarks represent his own views and not necessarily those of the U.S. government. I will speak on behalf of the incremental approach, not because we believe that the trusteeship or mandate options are intrinsically wrong or flawed, but because we do not see a reality on the
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
The Regional Implications of Pursuing 'Regime Change' in Iraq (Part II)
In order to have my remarks put in the right context, I would rephrase the title of this session as "The Regional Implications of Regime Change in Iraq as a Result of External Military Action." Were change to come as a result of other actions -- by the Iraqi people
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
What Next after Saddam?
Patrick Clawson, The Washington Institute: I want to say a few words about the standards of success by which we should judge progress in Iraq after Saddam Husayn's regime is deposed. Two issues are of particular importance: weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and democracy. Because any war against Iraq will
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
In-Depth Reports
Bush, Sharon, and Arafat:
The Pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian Peace (Part II)
The situation is bleak. But there are some glimmers of hope that are worth acknowledging. These glimmers are significant because they come from within -- from the Palestinians themselves. Ninety-one percent of Palestinians want reform; 83 percent say the Palestinian Authority is corrupt; and, for what might have been one
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
◆
David Makovsky
In-Depth Reports
The Regional Implications of Pursuing 'Regime Change' in Iraq (Part I)
Those expressing concern about the prospect of regime change in Iraq fall into two groups: those who are afraid that the intended change will fail and those who are afraid that it will succeed, with the latter group being the more vociferous. As others have said repeatedly, the long-term objective
۴ اکتبر ۲۰۰۲
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