Policy Analysis

Given the complicated baggage that Sadr brings into Iraq’s political game, his re-entry into formal politics after a years-long hiatus will likely destabilize the internal Shia political landscape.

With ruling parties, companies, and mainstream media aligned against them, activists and environmentalists face a formidable challenge in curbing the exploitation of nature and corporate greed.

Although many in Erbil lament Iran’s significant influence in Iraq, President Barzani now seems open to leveraging its power to address the KRI’s election dispute.

Muqtada al-Sadr’s recent attempt to designate Eid al-Ghadir a national holiday has sparked fierce debates and threatens to further destabilize the Iraqi political system in the coming months.

Institutional limitations, fiscal challenges, endemic corruption, and governance shortcomings present formidable barriers to developmental pursuits.

Both sides have a role to play in developing an U.S.-Iraq relationship built on Sudani’s vision of "sustainable cooperation" and in addressing the actors that can limit this potential.

Many of the necessary reforms start with placing the institution in a competitive position internationally and allowing for decisions that maximize financial returns for the good of the Iraqi people, not individuals hoping to promote their own interests.

Turkey's intertwining of its mega project and its anti-PKK operation improves the chances of success for both elements. But this interconnection can be a double-edged sword—if one element fails, it may potentially hinder the success of the other.

Without active and continuous deterrence, ISIS forces may look to take advantage of the deteriorating security and governance situation in areas formerly under their control.

Washington and allies should find ways to increase the cost to Iraqi politicians of normalizing the militias’ role and the subordination of the Iraqi state to Tehran’s rulers.

Iraq is in real danger of losing its checks and balances and failing as a constitutional democracy due to the rapid collapse of a separation of powers.

The KRG’s autonomy hangs in the balance, caught in a pincer movement between internal political discord and a history of externally imposed limitations. The recent court rulings are merely the latest blow, further restricting the KRG’s ability to govern itself.

By finding lasting solutions in coordination with both parties, relations can be mended and the gridlock and animosity that is crippling cooperation between the two parties can be put to an end.

The Coalition Framework’s overall electoral successes in Iraq’s provincial elections is playing out in governor appointment decisions across much of the country, including in Baghdad and Basra. The ongoing competition in Kirkuk, however, highlights just how complicated power-sharing dynamics can become.

By outlining a strategy in the north of Iraq, a vision regarding reconciliation and a constructive settlement of differences between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Federal Government of Iraq in relation to the management of energy resources in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq can emerge.

The Islamic State’s response to October 7 has centered on shifting their messaging to argue that attacks on targets within IS’ pre-existing areas of operation are relevant.

With regard to Sudani’s visit to America, we need to see what the Iraqi PM can achieve before confirming this important invitation. Sudani can be a real prime minister of a real sovereign state if he wants to be, but that will require taking risk.

As the February 2024 elections approach, the quest for a new political era in Iraqi Kurdistan is encountering formidable challenges.

Political results are clearly divided along identity politics, yet intra-communal political rifts are also evident. Despite their growing influence in the area, Shia parties—like other political groups—will need to forge alliances with other factions in order to effectively exert influence and manage the city.

Turkmens in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) are very apprehensive about the Federal Supreme Court decision, to be handed down on December 27, on the question of abolishing the eleven seats reserved for minorities in the 111-member parliament of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), which currently includes five seats set aside for Turkmens.