Policy Analysis

The implementation of the privatization project of the water and electricity sector will fundamentally alter the way in which essential services are provide to Moroccan citizens.

Both sides have a role to play in developing an U.S.-Iraq relationship built on Sudani’s vision of "sustainable cooperation" and in addressing the actors that can limit this potential.

Washington and allies should find ways to increase the cost to Iraqi politicians of normalizing the militias’ role and the subordination of the Iraqi state to Tehran’s rulers.

The KRG’s autonomy hangs in the balance, caught in a pincer movement between internal political discord and a history of externally imposed limitations. The recent court rulings are merely the latest blow, further restricting the KRG’s ability to govern itself.

By finding lasting solutions in coordination with both parties, relations can be mended and the gridlock and animosity that is crippling cooperation between the two parties can be put to an end.

Perhaps now is the time for the United Nations to step back. It is also time for our leaders, from East and West, to recognize that a joint way forward is possible.

As the February 2024 elections approach, the quest for a new political era in Iraqi Kurdistan is encountering formidable challenges.

Predicted low voter turnout for Iraq’s first provincial elections in a decade signals the lack of popular trust in Iraq for the country’s political system.

Given the inability—or unwillingness—of Iraqi institutions to adequately combat corruption, the need for an international entity to step in becomes evident. That is why supporting the global campaign for the creation of an International Anti-Corruption Court (IACC) is necessary in order to hold kleptocrats accountable when national court fails to do so.

In an effort to preserve a basic threshold for social and political balance, the Moroccan government passed the Family Code, or Mudawana, in 2004. Twenty years later, the matter of personal status law remains a pertinent and mobilizing issue for many.

Navigating the confusing Iraqi electoral landscape is just one of many obstacles in the way of reformers, but if emerging political reformist players can form a unified front, put forth a concrete political platform, and resist being coopted by ruling powers, then there is a real possibility for substantive political change in the upcoming elections.

As we look back at the legacy of the accords, it is not the Oslo Accords that failed us, but Israelis and Palestinians who failed Oslo.

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) has been heading for unprecedented political and financial uncertainties as a result of the growing disputes between the two ruling parties and the central government’s moves to erode the KRI’s autonomous status.

Exploring the parallels in the Israeli and Algerian experiences provides insight into the future of democracy in both countries.

The ninth anniversary of the Yazidi Genocide in Sinjar, Iraq is drawing near, a tragedy in which thousands of Yazidis were murdered, Yazidi women and children were enslaved, and Yazidi villages and compounds were destroyed by ISIS in August 2014.

As political figures vie for influence in Libya, Islamist groups have been empowered to crack down on religious freedoms, women, and minority groups across the country.

The repercussions of the Abu Ragheef committee are still playing out in Iraq, as the Sudani government attempts to assign blame and pursue justice.

Saudi minds have become considerably more open to a modern version of Islam since this question was first asked in 2017.

New polling results from Lebanon emphasize ways in which the country’s public is frustrated domestically and at key Hezbollah ally Iran, while expressing mixed views of other powers.

Kurds were once referred to as kingmakers, a pillar of stability, and the most powerful force in the fight against ISIS. Now, the Kurdish Region of Iraq is crippled by ferocious partisanships, tribal politics, and internal splits.