Policy Analysis

In five brief video clips, Dr. Matthew Levitt analyzes the recent terrorist attacks in Paris, describes their origin in ISIS and al Qaeda, and assesses what the United States and its allies can do to combat homegrown violent extremism.

Rather than remaining bystanders, moderate Muslims need to join forces in recognition that their religion and its central texts have been hijacked by a small minority for political ends.

Threatened by ISIS and beholden to Washington, Amman will continue to play a critical role in the coalition, but its involvement comes with a domestic political cost.

Washington is all but certain to resume its military financing to Egypt at some point, but there is little to be gained and potentially much to be lost by waiting for Cairo's Federal Reserve accounts to zero out in the meantime.

Coalition airstrikes in Iraq and Syria have had clear benefits, but a broader campaign involving more intelligence and targeting assistance on the ground is required to reap the full strategic benefits of turning back ISIS.

Even if Cairo wanted to normalize relations with the Assad regime, its need to stay on good terms with Saudi Arabia and the UAE would seriously constrain how far it could go in that direction.

When it comes to Tehran, Havana, and similar regimes, the Obama administration must be more careful to treat engagement as a means, not an end.

The West should be bracing for a stormy succession battle in the House of Saud.

If this national institution is properly rebuilt into a force that can score victories against the jihadists, it would be far more beneficial to Iraq than expanding Shiite militias or local Sunni uprisings.

Although the prospect of the ICC actually prosecuting Israeli officials is uncertain at best, the PA has torpedoed any chances for near-term diplomacy merely by opening that door, and perhaps invited U.S. financial countermeasures as well.

Although Iran's proxies are fighting ISIS in parallel with the U.S.-led effort, their actions and radical Shiite agendas are diametrically opposed to the goal of building inclusive governments and societies in Iraq and Syria.

Palestinians must be asked to respond to proposals that address Israeli needs and not just their own.

The U.S. military has a great track record of winning on the battlefield, but it must do a better job of demanding clearer definitions of strategic victory from the political leadership, along with the means and time needed to achieve it.

The death or incapacity of King Abdullah will exacerbate tensions within the royal family over who should replace him.

Although Washington should have no illusions about resolving the region's wider problems, it can build on early successes against ISIS by making the commitments needed to fully defeat the group in Iraq and Syria, including a modest, enduring U.S. military presence.

The Israeli regulator's decision to reopen a natural gas agreement because of a monopoly issue jeopardizes the country's gas export potential and its ability to attract foreign capital, as well as threatening to complicate relations with Jordan, the Palestinian Authority, and Egypt.

Conversations with Palestinian, Israeli, and international officials indicate that the simmering stalemate between Hamas and Fatah will not end well.

While Tunisians deserve widespread recognition for achieving a peaceful transfer of power, the need for continued U.S. engagement will only increase after this weekend's ballot.

It is time for Pakistan's military and intelligence leaders to recognize that their preoccupation with India and their willingness to tolerate certain radical elements are not in the country's best interests.

The group's legal challenge will likely succeed for now, but the EU can reinstate the ban by relying on the plethora of evidence from European terrorism cases involving Hamas.