All Policy Analysis by دنیس راس

Netanyahu's “total victory” is not possible, but demilitarizing Hamas and stabilizing Gaza still are, especially with help from Egypt and other key players.

For opportunity to emerge from tragedy, two bridges must be built: one leading from the current situation to the “day after” the war, and a second creating a viable path to a Palestinian state.

President Biden’s popularity with the Israeli public gives him leverage, but placing conditions on U.S. aid would likely backfire.

Laying the groundwork for an eventual Hamas surrender would break the current binary choice between more destructive conflict and an ineffectual ceasefire.

Four experts and former officials discuss the evolving military operation against Hamas, the status of the Lebanon front, the political plight of Arab governments, and the steps Israel must consider to balance its goals with growing international pressure.

برای فکر کردن به «فردا»ی پس از جنگ اصلا زود نیست و چه ‌بسا برنامه‌ریزی اولیه برای ساختن یک دولت موقت به روشن‌ شدن اهداف رهبران اسرائیل، حفظ حمایت آمریکا، ارائه جایگزین مثبت‌تری برای آینده فلسطینی‌ها، و ارائه منطقی به متحدان عرب برای ایفای نقش سازنده‌تر، کمک خواهد کرد.

پیروزی احتمالی حماس به مخالفت ایدئولوژیک آن اعتبار خواهد داد، به ایران و همدستانش نیرو خواهد بخشید، و احتمال صلح با اسرائیل را از بین خواهد برد.

Changing the minds of anti-Semites is a lost cause, but Israel can win over other critics by committing more effort and ingenuity to the task of saving innocent Palestinian lives.

"All Things Considered" turned to William Davidson Distinguished Fellow and Counselor Dennis Ross for insights into the history of Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking and the spoiler role played by Hamas terrorism.

The October 7 terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israel represent a turning point that should bring home oft-overlooked realities about the Middle East and compel U.S. policymakers to rethink preconceptions about the region and America's role and interests in it.

The long-suffering residents of Gaza deserve a better future, but getting there will require the international community to demilitarize Gaza after the war and disarm whatever is left of Hamas.

Riyadh understands that immediate Palestinian statehood is not an option, but it still needs Israel to take steps that demonstrably improve daily life in the West Bank and curtail settlement growth.

This remarkable compendium marks the thirtieth anniversary of the landmark Oslo I accords and includes personal perspectives from former diplomats, analysis of public opinion among Israelis and Palestinians, and policy recommendations for U.S. officials.

A panel of former Israeli, Palestinian, and U.S. officials discuss the legacy and future of the Oslo Accords as a framework for achieving Israeli-Palestinian peace.

Leadership dynamics make a two-state breakthrough impossible at the moment, but an Israeli-Saudi accord could help—so long as everyone honestly acknowledges what the situation would be like without Oslo.

بغداد امیدوار است با یک معامله پایاپای با تهران از قطعی‌های برق، ناآرامی سیاسی، و تحریم‌های آمریکا اجتناب کند، اما این توافق سوالات زیادی ایجاد می‌کند.

Although some of the arguments for decreasing U.S. military assistance to Israel stem from understandable impulses, implementing such ideas now would only embolden enemies and make conflict more likely.

To restore security and expand the Abraham Accords, Washington and its allies must take urgent steps to keep the PA from collapsing, such as organizing donor pressure to appoint a reformist prime minister and increasing employment opportunities for younger Palestinians who no longer see a reason to refrain from violence.

Washington can still avoid war, but not unless it balances blandishments and rewards with credible threats.

The headline sports deal holds wider implications for normalization with Israel, nuclear proliferation, and Saudi modernization, among other pressing bilateral issues.