All Policy Analysis by دنیس راس

If Washington wants Putin to act differently, it must demonstrate less risk aversion, whether in Ukraine or in Middle East conflict zones like Syria and Iraq.

Rarely has it been more important for Washington to show it will stand by a friend in response to an attack that could have resulted in many civilian casualties, including Americans.

تهران دیگر واشنگتن را جدی نمی‌گیرد، لذا دولت بایدن اگر می‌خواهد مساله هسته‌ای پیشرفت کند باید چشم انداز تنش نظامی را دوباره روی میز گزینه‌ها بگذارد.

America’s broad inclination toward retrenchment is unlikely to abate anytime soon, but Israeli leaders can still do much to remind Washington why basic regional stability is so essential to its interests.

At great personal risk, Iraqi civil society leaders gathered to demand entry into the Abraham Accords, and their efforts need more American support.

اشتباهات منطقه‌ای و پسرفت‌هایی که پیشینه آن به دوران کارتر برمی‌گردد سبب نشده که کشورها اعتمادشان به ایالات متحده را از دست بدهند و نتیجه بحران کابل هم در نهایت تاثیری نخواهد داشت.

علاوه بر مذاکره مجدد درباره بخش‌های کلیدی برجام، توسعه زرادخانه اسرائیل بهترین راه برای دور نگه داشتن تهران از رسیدن به آستانه تولید تسلیحات هسته‌ای است.

To dispel confusion among America’s partners and better counter its adversaries, the administration will have to do a better job of integrating its country-specific strategies into an overarching approach for accomplishing larger goals.

رویکرد تازه به گفت‌و‌گوهای هسته‌ای با ایران می‌تواند زمان رسیدن ایران به تسلیح هسته‌ای را طولانی‌تر کند، اهرم فشار آمریکا در مذاکرات را حفظ کند و اشتراک مواضع آمریکا با اروپا و کشورهای خاورمیانه را تقویت نماید.

واشنگتن باید برای ایجاد یک آتش‌بس پایدار، بحث‌های مربوط به عادی سازی آبرومندانه روابط بین اسرائیل و عربستان را دنبال کند و حماس را مجبور سازد که بین راکت‌های خود و بازسازی یکی را انتخاب کند.

Tehran’s provision of training and weapons to regional militants never stopped even under heavy U.S. sanctions, so the Biden administration needs to do much more than just reinstate the JCPOA.

No one is going to invest in massive Gaza reconstruction unless there is a credible mechanism for ensuring that Hamas does not divert the bulk of this material for military purposes.

The administration should take a three-track approach: provide a formula of reconstruction with no rearmament, bolster the PA through assistance conditioned on reform, and broker Arab outreach to open the horizon.

In addition to seeking Egypt’s help with mediation, the Biden administration needs to recognize that several motivations are driving Hamas in this round, so raising the cost to the group cannot just be measured in military terms.

Although the Biden administration strongly favors a diplomatic path to ensuring Iran never obtains a nuclear weapon, it needs to show that it will exercise other options if Tehran makes a viable deal impossible.

With few exceptions, the U.S. government has pursued Arab development, Israeli-Palestinian engagement, and Arab-Israel normalization as three separate, walled-off tracks, which no longer makes any sense.

The administration needs to demonstrate that its pursuit of nuclear negotiations will not inhibit the lengths it will go to counter Tehran’s regional provocations.

The administration’s instinct to cancel Riyadh’s blank check is right, but engaging a flawed partner is not the same as confronting a determined adversary.

A revamped approach to the alliance should stay focused on shared goals, from ensuring a stable oil market to promoting a more tolerant version of Islam at home and abroad.

سه چهره پیشکسوت سیاست‌گذاری چالش‌هایی را که دولت بایدن هنگام بررسی نحوه بازگشت آمریکا به توافق هسته‌ای ایران با آنها مواجه خواهد شد، تحلیل می‌کنند.