All Policy Analysis by Amir al-Kaabi

Militia Spotlight presents a regularly updated tracker with the best-known information about drone, rocket, and missile attacks against U.S. and allied targets, which have intensified since the Gaza war broke out.

Iran-backed militias were quick to defend the judge after he was accused of being a tool for Iranian influence.

The connection between exiled Bahraini terrorists and Iraq's Kataib Hezbollah is demonstrably strong and probably explains the strange incident.

Although they avoided embarrassing Prime Minister Sudani during his recent Washington visit, they passed abhorrent new legislation as soon as he was back home.

Abu Fadak laid bare the limited extent to which his organization is under Prime Minister Sudani's sovereign control, instead identifying Iran's Ayatollah Khamenei as his commander-in-chief.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq is moving to get what it has long sought: a senior leadership role within the Popular Mobilization Forces, a glaring gap in its portfolio of power positions.

The group's earliest reactions to the war were led by its Special Operations wing under Abu Hussein and two spokesmen from his camp.

Hossein Moanes and Abu Fadak have carefully calibrated their threats, showing a multifaceted yet tightly controlled Kataib Hezbollah response.

A new Telegram account claiming anti-U.S. attacks is linked to Iran's Qods Force and other designated terrorist organizations.

Iran's proxies undertook two drone attacks on U.S. bases in Iraq, and the related social media operations suggest that Iran's Qods Force played a coordinating function.

Iraq's "resistance" militias all rhetorically supported the attack on Israel, but with interesting differences: Badr threatened Americans, while others seemed to downplay potential involvement.

Pressure from Ayatollah Sistani and Sadrists has put Kataib Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq on the defensive over their growing illicit property empire.

The official ban on their favorite social media app may be temporary, but their response has highlighted divisions within the Shia militia milieu.

Formed by Ashab al-Kahf and Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, this Persian-named violent protest movement has been used to carry out threats against the U.S. embassy in Baghdad.

Iran's senior Revolutionary Guard operator in Kirkuk and religious-political leader Ammar al-Hakim were recently brought in to mediate between feuding state-paid militias.

The PMF is growing fast by every metric, from budget to authorized manpower to training and economic programs, though militia leaders seem wary of highlighting this expansion.

The leading Iran-backed militia is increasingly picking territorial fights with military forces controlled by Baghdad.

Iraqi militia officials are still regularly praising Putin's invasion of Ukraine and even conferring honorary Shia Muslim status on Russian officials.

U.S.-designated terrorists and human rights abusers are beginning to receive senior ranks, staff college certification, and national security degrees at Iraqi and Arab military schools.

This year has seen a massive increase in the training of Iraqi militia officers at Defense Ministry academies, and a dedicated PMF training college might be developed under expanded legislation.