Policy Analysis

The United States must explain to its allies how withdrawing from the Iran deal fits into a larger strategy for the Middle East.

The emerging vote tallies are just the beginning of government formation in Iraq, and they indicate a need to focus on U.S. principles, not specific outcomes.

The Houthis will likely try to intensify their cross-border missile strikes and other asymmetric tactics to internationalize the battle, steps the United States should firmly oppose.

Not only is the war far from over, but a series of developments could undermine the regime's recent gains—and create opportunities for the United States.

The United States should not interfere in the campaign, which has begun and stands a good chance of succeeding, except through steps to make the operation quicker and less destructive.

Hodeida and al-Salif will process substantially more food imports after the Houthis are evicted, so the United States should back some form of demilitarization of the ports or help liberate them.

Last week the new U.S. secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, chose to visit the Middle East within hours of his appointment. He did not stop in Egypt, but the Middle East that the Trump administration aims to stabilize will not be achieved if Egypt becomes engaged in a war with

The U.S. withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, along with the parliamentary gains made by former militia members, could turn Iraq once again into a war theater.

While the U.S. administration talks about a peace plan, the recent disruptions have deepened skepticism about its prospects for success.

According to President Erdogan's worldview, the 40 million Turkish citizens who oppose him stand for alien and imported interests, signaling much discord ahead.

Firas Elias is precisely correct that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is well poised to play a more prominent role in Iranian politics. And he is unfortunately right that this development may well lead to a war, but that would happen for the exact opposite reasons of what he predicts

The latest exchanges of missiles between Iran and Israel inside Syria are a vivid symptom—but not the root cause—of the looming specter of large-scale armed conflict in that theater. In fact, quite apart from this week’s U.S. decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal, other recent regional and international

The administration doesn’t seem to have a day-after strategy for drawing the Europeans back into the fold after essentially rejecting months of negotiations with them.

A closer look at the local security changes, turnout obstacles, sectarian divisions, and other factors that could determine the shape of Iraq’s next government.

The latest clash indicates that Tehran has underestimated how far the IDF will go to prevent Iranian military entrenchment on its northeast border.

Now that the nuclear deal is off, Iran’s next steps will be shaped at least in part by the technical capabilities of its enrichment program and related efforts.

What the United States really needs is a new Iran policy, not just a nuclear policy—and the will to roll up its sleeves and carry it out.

This time around, a total pullout could draw U.S. allies Israel, Turkey, and even Saudi Arabia into confused combat against Assad’s alliance, without an American referee.

Hezbollah has made further strides toward remaking state institutions in its image, but the international community can still slow the group's momentum by pressuring its domestic political enablers.

In an ideal world, Israel, as a Jewish majority state holding on and developing the age-old Jewish civil and spiritual traditions, and home to a thriving Arab community, would sit next to a Palestinian state, home to its Arab majority and to an integrated Jewish community of citizens and residents