Policy Analysis

This two-part PolicyWatch assesses how ISIS has gained a foothold in Syria by learning from past jihadist mistakes in Iraq. Part I discusses the group's recent successes; Part II discusses jihadist mistakes in other countries and whether ISIS is repeating them. In August, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham

Washington Institute military expert Jeffrey White contributes to an online debate on the merits and goals of potential intervention.

Given the nature of the regime's passive defensive capabilities, a powerful U.S. operation of at least several rounds may be necessary.

It is time to ask those who oppose Syria strikes if they are comfortable with a position that will likely rule out any diplomatic outcome on the Iranian nuclear program.

Bahrain's decision to restrict contact between foreign diplomats and political activists should be condemned by Washington and ignored by the U.S. embassy in Manama.

Iran's new president will soon be tested on his ability and willingness to address international concerns about his country's nuclear program.

The governing Islamist party will emerge from recent setbacks as a much weaker player, and more obstacles are likely to come.

On September 3, 2013, Matthew Levitt and Frederic C. Hof addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute. Dr. Levitt is director of the Institute's Stein Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence and author of the new book Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon's Party of God . Ambassador Hof, a

Members of the Syrian opposition are correct in describing Alawite army general Ali Habib Mahmoud's "defection" to Turkey over the past few days as a "blow to the morale" of the Assad regime. He is the most prominent military official to leave Syria since the July 2012 departure of Brig

Many options for direct military action in Syria have been on the table, ranging from token strikes with small numbers of weapons to much broader operations such as attacks on leadership targets or the imposition of no-fly and no-drive zones. In addition, the United States could respond indirectly by providing

Cutting aid to Egypt would only hurt U.S. interests there without helping democracy, stability, or any other cause.

Achieving U.S. objectives in Syria would help pressure Tehran into making hard choices regarding both the Assad regime and the Iranian nuclear program.

Under current conditions, suspending military assistance to Cairo would be counterproductive for U.S. interests and contractors alike.

President Rouhani seems determined to maintain his influence over Iran's foreign policy, signaling a potential showdown with hardliners over continued support for the Assad regime.

The former presidential advisor on Syria discusses the regional and strategic implications of Hezbollah's role in the ongoing civil war, as well as the scope of its militant and terrorist activities.

The group's backing of the Syrian regime has led to significant losses on the battlefield and rapidly diminishing support among the Lebanese people.

If the United States strikes, it needs to choose targets and weapon systems based on a strategic plan that is well explained to the world.

Israel's lessons from numerous strikes in Syria show that Assad can be deterred, particularly if he loses significant assets in a strike marked by clear, realistic objectives, careful planning, and credible deterrent messages after the fact.

Experts discuss the nature and capabilities of Syria's various rebel groups and assess U.S. options for shifting the strategic landscape beyond punitive strikes.

With the transition plan forging ahead after recent turbulence, Egypt's focus has turned to the upcoming constitutional referendum, which will be followed by parliamentary and presidential elections that may favor emerging centrist movement al-Tayyar al-Hor.