Policy Analysis

Although some examples suggest rational decisionmaking by Tehran, other Iranian actions seem unencumbered by cost-benefit considerations.

The Iranian nuclear threat will challenge Obama and Netanyahu's sometimes-rocky relationship like never before.

Indirect intervention in Syria is less sure to succeed than direct intervention, but it may be more doable, giving the people the time and help they need to liberate themselves.

Washington should help improve conditions on the ground in Libya before the upcoming parliamentary elections, supporting civil society organizations that include rebels and prodding the interim government toward greater transparency.

Whether Egypt's military authorities are deliberately targeting pro-democratic NGOs or simply unable to stop others from doing so, one thing is clear: Washington's relationship with them is no longer worth $1.3 billion.

The U.S. troop withdrawal is a less significant driver of recent Iraqi violence than Washington's policy of giving Prime Minister Maliki a blank check in his campaign to consolidate power.

Resolving thorny policy problems requires not just historical analysis, but also the courage and conviction to choose, amid great uncertainty, among risky options.

That the PKK is deeply engaged in a wide array of criminal activities should not be surprising to those familiar with the group.

By deciding to prosecute Americans, post-Mubarak Egypt has intentionally provoked a bilateral crisis.

Netanyahu's trip to Cyprus, the first by an Israeli prime minister, reflects increasing cooperation between the two countries over natural gas resources but will likely heighten tensions with Turkey.

On February 13, Mehdi Khalaji, Karim Sadjadpour, and Dennis Ross addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute. Mr. Khalaji is a senior fellow at The Washington Institute and author of the just-released Policy Focus Supreme Succession: Who Will Lead Post-Khamenei Iran? Mr. Sadjadpour is an associate at the Carnegie

Speculation about an Israeli strike against Iranian nuclear facilities is rife, but there is little discussion about whether diplomacy can still succeed, precluding the need for military action. Many experts doubt that Tehran would ever accept a deal that uses intrusive inspections and denies or limits uranium enrichment to halt

Testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia. One year after mass protests toppled Hosni Mubarak, Egypt is heading in an illiberal, anti-Western direction. The ruling military council has employed deadly force against protestors, subjected thousands of civilians to military trials, raided

Turkish-Iranian rivalry in the Fertile Crescent has opened up a can of worms.

As the regime continues its latest offensive, the international community should exploit its military weaknesses through actions that help level the battlefield, alter the psychological environment, and increase pressure on Assad and his forces.

Washington must find a way to encourage more political reform in Bahrain, which hosts the headquarters of the U.S. Fifth Fleet.

"Protest technology" has changed the relationship between authoritarian regimes and their citizens, and there is no going back.

Washington needs to devise a well-planned, delicate intervention in Syria: one supported by Russia, executed by Turks and Arabs, and remotely backed by the United States and its European allies.

The Revolutionary Guard, with its economic interests and sensitivity to sanctions, is more inclined to strike a deal on the nuclear issue.

Although Ayatollah Khamenei has given no signs of imminent departure from the political scene, both the confrontational nature of his recent actions and the still-ticking Iranian nuclear clock raise important questions about what will happen upon his death. Will the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps subordinate the new Supreme Leader and