All Policy Analysis by David Makovsky

Israel's new national unity government strengthens both Binyamin Netanyahu and Shaul Mofaz, but it will ultimately be judged by whether it makes progress on its foreign and domestic policy agenda.

There is no daylight between the United States and Israel on the objective and the preferred means for dealing with Iranian nuclear ambitions. Much has been written about possible differences, but the recent meeting between President Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu highlighted key points of convergence: Both agree that

Washington and Israel need to address their public messaging on Iran, which has undermined mutual trust and efforts to achieve their common objective: a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis.

The Iranian nuclear threat will challenge Obama and Netanyahu's sometimes-rocky relationship like never before.

The potential collapse of the latest negotiations should not stop the United States and its partners from pressing for further concessions from both sides.

King Abdullah's trip to Washington will provide ample opportunity for crucial talks on Jordan's stability, the Syrian insurrection, and the state of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.

Do the latest Israeli-Palestinian talks in Amman represent a new opening or merely a tactical instrument for each side to perpetuate recriminations?

The West Bank has prospered more than Gaza since the 2007 split between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, and not just because of foreign aid.

Although Israel is in favor of economic and diplomatic sanctions against Iran, its calculus is also based on how much time is left for military strikes to be effective.

Public frostiness aside, expanding QIZs and other economic initiatives could help ensure that the Egyptian-Israeli cold peace does not devolve into war.