Policy Analysis

Sending clear signals using punitive airstrikes is difficult but not impossible, and learning lessons from past operations can help maximize the chances of success if Washington decides to strike Syria.

Hezbollah plots in Europe over the past year exposed a return to violent operations being conducted by the Iranian-supported Lebanese Shiite group. Plots in Bulgaria and Cyprus led to a rigorous debate among European Union member states over whether or not to ban the organization’s military wing. But this only

As Washington considers military action in Syria, the temptation will be to pursue a limited punitive response to regime chemical-weapons use, rather than a campaign to achieve the administration's stated goal of Bashar al-Assad's removal. Giving in to that temptation would be a mistake.

If Washington and its allies decide to strike the Syrian regime in response to last week's chemical attack, they should strike hard, with the aim of achieving significant political and military effects.

Veteran U.S. peace negotiator and Institute Counselor Dennis Ross offers suggestions for changes to Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, including increased public outreach and a reordering of priorities. Watch a video FAQ in which Ambassador Ross tackles the key questions to emerge from the first round of talks.

There is ample justification for intervention in Syria once U.S. strategic interests are factored into the equation, regardless of the chemical red line.

Published in conjunction with PolicyWatch 2122, this graphic depicts the hierarchical structure of the Syrian regime.

The regime's cadres have held together through two years of war, and they will likely continue doing so unless Washington and its allies present them with a stark choice: leave and live, or stay and die.

The chemical weapons massacre in Damascus has mobilized Assad's foreign opponents, giving the United States a new reason and new partners for a more serious response.

The United States has serious business to do with Turkey, all of which remains doable despite the troublesome verdicts against top military officials.

Given the administration's reluctance to act in Syria and other hotspots, President Obama is wise not to diminish US influence further by cutting ties with the Egyptian military.

If it becomes reasonably clear that the Assad regime was responsible for today's apparent chemical strikes, nothing less than direct military action will alter its calculus or prevent further massacres.

If the regime wins, as seems increasingly likely, post-war Syria will be a more brutal and anarchic place than ever before.

Saudi Arabia has been one of the most important allies of the United States. But it has also staunchly supported opposition to reform and democracy in the Gulf, and now may offer aid to the Egyptian military that could dwarf what America provides. Should the United States continue to view

U.S. backsliding on redlines regarding Syrian chemical weapons only encourages the Assad regime to make choices that increase the likelihood of direct U.S. intervention.

A conversation with Institute fellow Aaron Zelin about the status and prospects of the various jihadist groups now fighting in Syria.

An expert on jihadist movements compares Egypt's latest crackdown on the Brotherhood with past efforts to suppress the group.

By disorganizing Egypt's most cohesive Islamist group, the generals have turned hundreds of thousands of deeply ideological Muslim Brothers into free radicals who may no longer listen to their typically cautious leaders.

Despite the vice president's resignation, the dispersal of pro-Morsi protests has received strong support among the security forces and political elite, signaling the potential for more violence in the coming days.

The Moroccan royal pardon of Spanish pedophile Daniel Galvan Vina has had a litany of political implications.