Policy Analysis

Iraqis are preparing to participate in the country’s most important elections since the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003. As all parties prepare for the ballot, interviews with those who choose to participate and those boycotting it emphasize what’s at stake.

The often-hazardous two-year struggle that led to this vote has left many of the youth movement’s most ardent supporters disillusioned with the electoral process entirely, so Washington will have to narrow its focus.

The long timeframes and commercial calculations involved in such a transition have left Washington and other capitals more reliant on OPEC+ decisionmaking than they would like.

Sistani’s call for Iraqis to participate in the elections along with a recent announcement about the formation of the Holy Shrine Units as independent entities from the PMF are likely to have a major impact on the Iraqi political and social scene.

Should protests grow more destabilizing, the United States will need to balance its values and interests regarding bilateral ties, the popular movement in question, broader regional dynamics, and competition with Russia or China.

After the Erbil conference, which called for normalizing ties between Iraq and Israel, the largest resistance social media organ called for beheadings and then tried to cover its tracks.

Washington should look to economic forums in other regions as a model for establishing regular cooperation between Arab and Israeli officials, business leaders, academics, and civil society groups.

Hoquq is competing head-to-head with other "resistance" factions in key Shia constituencies, especially Asaib Ahl al-Haq.

At great personal risk, Iraqi civil society leaders gathered to demand entry into the Abraham Accords, and their efforts need more American support.

The long-delayed poll will be watched carefully by the country’s neighbors, though the sundry restrictions on voters and council members may limit its near-term policy impact.

The head of the council joins two Washington Institute experts for a far-ranging conversation on the U.S. role in the northeast, Kurdish threat perceptions, the effect of the Afghanistan withdrawal, and more.

The U.S. should take a stronger position on the ongoing GERD talks to prevent armed conflict, stabilize American interests and support Sudanese democracy.

Uncontrolled weapons are the most prominent barrier to the electoral process, along with insufficient international observation to ensure free and transparent elections.

The international community stepped up to the ISIS challenge but has failed miserably to address the multifaceted problems presented by Assad, whose regime has worked with the terrorist group on and off for years.

The recent saga surrounding the implications of American withdrawal from Afghanistan has not gone unnoticed in Cairo. Egyptian policy circles believe it has opened the door for Islamist and extremist groups to gain momentum across the region, and regime messaging is framing the situation accordingly.

The coming violence could spill over into Russia, perhaps emboldening terrorist groups to recruit radicalized Muslims there.

Recent polling shows that a majority of Iraqis anticipate that elections will lead to increased security and political problems as militias and dominant factors are expected to maintain control.

Reinvesting in civilian capabilities, sharing the burden with other actors, and assessing the widening ideological scope of the extremist threat will be central to any effective program of action.

Yet the photo of an informal meeting among the Saudi, Qatari, and UAE leaders also suggests their uncertainty about American support.

Instead of continuing to work with corrupt Lebanese state institutions, the United States should pursue opportunities with the business community and civil society, whose members are eager to separate themselves from the group.