All Policy Analysis by Michael Singh

To ensure that Beijing's post-sanctions ambitions in the region do not include transferring dangerous nuclear and military technology to Iran, Washington and its allies need to set clear boundaries sooner rather than later.

The United States and its allies are more than up to the challenges posed by post-deal Iran, but they will need to focus on objectives rather than tactics, and engage in long-term planning rather than continuing their reactive, shorter-term approach.

When the next President enters office, Iran will be a nuclear-weapons threshold state operating more than 5,000 centrifuges, with more than 14,000 additional ones at hand but deactivated—assuming the July 14 accord is implemented and survives its infancy. It will be openly engaged in research and development on advanced centrifuges

Fundamental questions now center on how exactly the seizure occurred, how the sailors were treated, and whether Washington offered a quid pro quo for their release.

If Iran's disregard for Chapter VII measures and other international injunctions is ignored, it cannot be long before Tehran treats the nuclear deal the same way.

The latest meeting of the IAEA board of governors is an opportunity to bolster the investigative and disclosure mechanisms needed to deter Iran and other potential proliferators.

Bashar al-Assad's departure would not by itself solve Syria's problems, but it could pave the way for the return of refugees and a regional ground force to combat ISIS.

The initial box-office success of "The Martian," following on the hits "Gravity" in 2013 and "Interstellar" in 2014, reflects the extent to which space exploration continues to captivate public imagination. Polling suggests that more than 50% of Americans favor sending an astronaut to Mars. In 2010, Pew found that 63%

Understanding Tehran's past progress toward a nuclear bomb and mapping the facilities and personnel involved in such efforts can help head off any potential breakout attempts in the coming years.

To avoid or mitigate further fallout from the war, the United States and its allies need to create facts on the ground by establishing and enforcing safe zones inside Syria.

Without a credible conventional deterrent that goes beyond mere rhetoric, the United States cannot stop Iran from running toward the bomb.

Rather than recalling past glories, Russia's reportedly escalating support for Assad may prove to be a reminder of why they faded in the first place.

The Institute's managing director testified before two Senate hearings to discuss the drawbacks of the current Iran agreement, the best means of addressing them, and the implications for U.S. policy if they are not fixed.

The agreement does not clearly achieve its main objective of preventing a nuclear-armed Iran, nor does it complement America's broader strategies regarding the Middle East and global nonproliferation.