All Policy Analysis by David Schenker

Although Egypt's security, diplomatic, and economic cooperation with Israel continues to improve, the optics of such rapprochement remain a political liability for President Sisi.

If the kingdom wants its latest economic reform plan to succeed, it will have to change the culture of its labor force, which is a difficult proposition at best.

Although filling the long-vacant office could help pull the country out of its political stagnation, Hezbollah and Iran will continue undermining Lebanese state institutions unless the situation next door in Syria changes significantly.

Absent effective support from the United States and Saudi Arabia, Lebanon's traditionally pro-Western but increasingly fractured Sunni bloc stands little chance of preventing further gains by the Hezbollah-Syria-Iran axis.

Although the parliament remains a marginal institution, the Brotherhood's ability to continue mobilizing political support despite a recent ban shows its persistent appeal in the kingdom.

Embarrassing counterterrorism lapses and corruption revelations over the past year demonstrate that the kingdom's security cannot be taken for granted.

A law passed in late 2015, known as HIFPA, has successfully intensified pressure against the Lebanon-based militant group.

While the general uptick in terrorist attacks on Jordan is troubling, perhaps the most disturbing aspect is the manner in which violent extremism is crossing socioeconomic lines.

The latest bailout from Saudi Arabia may be the last, so Cairo needs to focus on helping itself by implementing complex subsidy and tax reforms.

Although improved Egyptian-Israeli cooperation and enhanced remote-monitoring technologies will ease the pain of the planned drawdown in Sinai peacekeepers, the situation will only worsen unless Cairo adopts a more appropriate counterinsurgency strategy.

Washington will be pleased to see Riyadh bolstering another key regional ally, but the potential development of Jordan's nuclear sector could cause headaches, and the political costs for Amman remain unclear.

By continuing to pressure the old-guard Brotherhood and cultivating more friendly Islamist factions, the palace seems intent on pursuing an ambitious counterradicalization strategy, but it still hopes to avoid a major confrontation.

Although U.S. and Gulf assistance has been vital thus far, Jordan's expenses related to hosting refugees and securing the border outstrip what it is receiving.

If the Obama administration is truly committed to containing Iran in the wake of the nuclear deal, it needs to understand how others in the region perceive its handling of Tehran's provocations.

As the Assad coalition and the Islamic State turn their attention southward, Jordan and the thousands of displaced Syrians waiting outside its border face an increasingly perilous security situation.