All Policy Analysis by David Schenker

Although it is still too early to write the prime minister off as an Iranian lackey, he is on a familiar trajectory for Iraqi governments: doing the minimum necessary to prevent deterioration with Washington while satisfying the voracious demands of his Iran-backed partners.

The recent murder of an Irish peacekeeper has once again exposed the international mission as a costly failure—one that should be drastically curtailed come renewal time this summer.

Although climate issues will by definition headline the latest COP summit, Egypt’s human rights record, simmering protest movement, and questionable policies in neighboring Libya will provide plenty of additional fodder for Biden’s discussions with Sisi.

After leading an extensive group visit throughout the kingdom, Washington Institute scholars offer insights from their encounters with leaders in government, religion, business, and culture.

Participants will probably issue potent-sounding statements on Iran, oil production, and other key issues, but their rhetoric is unlikely to result in any substantive policy shifts or internal dispute resolution.

The maritime border agreement is a mixed bag, demonstrating how far Israel will go to make peace with Arab states while doing little to decrease the prospects of an eventual war with Hezbollah.

The Abraham Accords have substantially increased the region’s options for countering Iranian threats, but the past performance of Arab coalitions should make policymakers cautious about expecting too much from new alliances.

Seven experts examine how the fraught decision to start production might affect Beirut’s negotiating stance, Hezbollah’s military calculus, U.S.-Israel relations, and other factors.

In light of Tehran’s concerted efforts to reverse last year’s electoral setback, it has become too risky to let Baghdad’s nascent democracy simply fend for itself.

Efforts to reach an agreement during President Biden’s visit are laudable, but the administration must take care to ensure that any deal with Riyadh preserves the crucial regional security arrangements enshrined in the Egypt-Israel peace treaty.

At this point, even if the “interim” force was somehow able and willing to implement its mandate in southern Lebanon, it might not be enough to prevent war—but Washington should still press for whatever reforms it can.

From Abu Dhabi and Riyadh’s perspective, there is no substitute for an American partner with the will to militarily deter or answer Iran’s regional aggression.

Cairo needs to hear from Israel, the United States, and the Multinational Force & Observers that its security violations erode the Egypt-Israel peace.

On the eve of the election, two Lebanese experts joined a former U.S. official to discuss the prospects for widening the cracks in Hezbollah’s core Shia constituency.

Shortsighted squabbles between the KDP and PUK may soon wind up sending the country back to elections—and the threat of Iranian political domination.

The United States should use enticements as well as sanctions to deter friends from buying Russian arms.

Bruce Riedel's latest book has numerous insights on U.S. relations with Amman, but also many unfortunate omissions.

Facing greater regional demands and limited resources, Washington will have to be more judicious in its obligations and more consistent in following through, lest its assurances fail to assure.

Despite seeming more well-intentioned than most of his colleagues in Beirut’s political elite, Hariri ultimately became part of the coterie that has pushed Lebanon to the brink of state failure.

The Emirates are the region’s leading destination for the sport, but Saudi Arabia is coming on strong as part of their broader economic competition.