All Policy Analysis by Michael Knights

The slow-rolling regime change focused on capturing U.S.-supported institutions and turning them against U.S. interests, highlighting the threat that motivated, well-funded groups pose to developing democracies.

Kataib Babiliyoun pretends to be a local Christian unit, but its members have been recruited from Shia Muslim communities in southern Iraq with the goal of dominating the strategic Nineveh Plains region.

U.S.-designated terrorists and human rights abusers are beginning to receive senior ranks, staff college certification, and national security degrees at Iraqi and Arab military schools.

This year has seen a massive increase in the training of Iraqi militia officers at Defense Ministry academies, and a dedicated PMF training college might be developed under expanded legislation.

Tactical disagreements among "resistance" leaders underline their competition for prime real estate and local partners near the capital.

Officials appear to be cracking down on freedom of speech and alternative lifestyles opposed by the self-styled militia "resistance."

With probable IRGC-QF acquiescence, a militia facade group struck U.S. targets in Syria to register its defiance against a possible extension of the U.S. presence in Iraq.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq is signaling pragmatism, while Kataib Hezbollah is contorting its arguments to allow it to play along, albeit without explicitly accepting a U.S. military presence.

By conversing and embedding with Emirati soldiers over the course of several years, a Washington Institute military expert was able to capture the history and stakes of an unsung operation to save Yemen’s strategically crucial port city.

An in-depth look at the dramatic campaign by Arab special forces and Yemeni tribesmen to liberate a crucial port city.

The militia's media channel has been praising past Iranian-aided terrorist acts that killed and wounded U.S. military personnel in Iraq—and linking them to current activities.

Russia’s effective use of inexpensive Iranian aircraft points to challenges that other states may soon face elsewhere.

Media outlets run by Iran-backed groups have justified the killing by claiming that the targeted civilian was a spy.

Rabee Nader has a long history of working with U.S.-designated terrorist groups Kataib Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq, so appointing him could place Prime Minister Sudani's office at risk of potential sanctions.

The Houthi relationship with the IRGC and Lebanese Hezbollah has grown to the point that regardless of whether fighting in Yemen wanes, the Gulf movement may still play an integrated role in Iran’s future military adventures.

The protracted post-election process has been a step backward for Iraqi democracy, so Washington will need to closely monitor the new leadership’s actions and hold Baghdad to measurable benchmarks.

The facade group in question tends to follow through on its warnings, so its latest rhetoric about using developments in Yemen as cause for new attacks should be taken seriously.

Al-Warithuun is a "resistance" brand with a recurring connection to kinetic operations that are directed by Iran's Qods Force but intended to be deniable.

Iran-backed PMF units shot first in the latest showdown, so they should hardly be the ones left in charge of security in the government center.

Centralized direction was evident as "resistance" outlets carried out their (apparently successful) public relations campaign to claim the moral high ground.